By Crispin Black
How may a second of triumph concerning the Olympic Bid become a disaster? those negative occasions stick to at the carrying on with revelations that the intelligence stories that have been the government's foundation for the invasion of Iraq have been deeply fallacious and the hot admission via the Ministry of Defence that it did not foresee the scale and ferocity of the Iraq insurgency. whatever is especially flawed in how Britain collects and analyses intelligence. In "7-7: What Went Wrong?", Crispin Black exhibits that basic flaws in our present method of calibrating and figuring out the terrorist probability -- an unwillingness for example to tackle board the consequences of our international coverage on loyalty at domestic and a more often than not slack method of border safeguard have produced a poisonous chance to nationwide safety. Taken all jointly there's the uncomfortable suspicion that rather than accumulating intelligence, their goal is to delight their masters. In his compelling and authoritative research, Black indicates the...
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What kind of pressure, one may well ask, for example, was at work on the JTAC when it lowered, for example, its threat level on 2 June? * * * In one sense we have been here before. The controversies surrounding the setting of the UK’s interest rates in the early 1990s—the feeling that they were being manipulated for political advantage rather than economic stability—gave rise on Gordon Brown’s first day in office as chancellor to the independence of the Bank of England from government interference in this matter.
First, Iraq. We know that MI5 accepts that the Iraq war has been a radicalising factor pushing a small number of British Muslims towards violence. But given the government’s absolute unwillingness to accept a link between the British presence in Iraq and terrorism it would have been difficult for them expressly to give the correct priority to this question. Second, a lack of understanding or inquisitiveness on this matter would also tend to re-inforce (now old-fashioned) thinking about Islamist terrorism—that in the UK it is essentially an imported rather than home-grown or semi-home-grown phenomenon.
The prime minister’s pre-holiday statement was that ‘the rules of the game have changed’. He was right. And we must change how we play the intelligence game against Islamist extremists—it is ‘the Great Game’ of the early 21st century. We have to question our antiquated divided intelligence structure. Aimed at protecting a distant early 20th-century Empire, it does not trace the blue-print of the modern terrorist, gives rise to narrow views, and, worst, opens the door wide to undue political interference where independence is required.
77 by Crispin Black