Over the last thirty years, when Japan has produced a various set of teenage cultures that have had an enormous influence on pop culture around the globe, it has additionally constructed a succession of stripling difficulties that have ended in significant issues in the state itself. Drawing on precise empirical fieldwork, the authors of this quantity set those concerns in a sincerely articulated ‘social constructionist’ framework, and placed forth a sociology of eastern adolescence difficulties which argues that there's a convinced predictability in regards to the manner during which those difficulties are stumbled on, outlined and dealt with.
The chapters contain case experiences masking matters such as:
• Returnee little ones (kikokushijo)
• Compensated relationship (enjo kōsai)
• Corporal punishment (taibatsu)
• Bullying (ijime)
• baby abuse (jidō gyakutai)
• The withdrawn formative years (hikikomori) and
• NEETs (not in schooling, employment or training)
By analyzing those quite a few social difficulties jointly, A Sociology of jap adolescence explains why specific adolescence difficulties seemed once they did and what classes they could offer for the learn of youngster difficulties in different societies.
This e-book could be of big curiosity to scholars and students of jap society and tradition, the sociology of Japan, eastern anthropology and the comparative sociology of minor studies.
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Extra info for A Sociology of Japanese Youth: From Returnees to NEETs (Nissan Institute/Routledge Japanese Studies)
Without the experiment, one is able to get 'closer' to social reality but with no precision; with the experiment, one gains in precision but the scope of knowledge is confined to reporting what one has observed so that extrapolations have little rational basis. Only future observations will prove 'decisive', and they too will take the form of all empiricist knowledge - a description of the immediate past with no grounds for generalisation except on pragmatic grounds. Hypothetico-deductivism This recurrent problem of indeterminacy has given rise to an alternative project within the empiricist strategy; a project that Empiricism 41 specifically rejects the atheoretical stance of 'abstracted' empiricism by attempting to marry the empiricist focus on observation and experience to the requirements of deductive reasoning- a marriage of methodologies known as hypothetico-deductivism.
Suicide is merely to be related to a number of factors religious affiliation, marital status, residence, income, occupation, sex, age, etc. - the list has no logical limits - in order to determine whether the correlation between suicide (the dependent variable) and a selection of these factors (independent variables) are significant or spurious. In this way the analyst will be testing what is called the 'null hypothesis'. That is, the observer starts with the assumption that phenomena are unrelated: that social reality is a set of random, atomistic events.
Thus, for example, we may 'explain' the high suicide rate of self-employed artists in urban contexts by deducing this generalisation from a higher-order statement - low social integration is related to high suicide rates. This deduction is a matter of logical necessity, as the statement that low social integration relates to high suicide rates is a generalisation referring to a whole range of observables, of which self-employed artists and other marginal groups are merely examples. Such groups have to have high suicide rates because they are grouped by definition under a high-level empirical generalisation.
A Sociology of Japanese Youth: From Returnees to NEETs (Nissan Institute/Routledge Japanese Studies)